Showing posts with label introspection. Show all posts
Showing posts with label introspection. Show all posts

Wednesday, September 10, 2014

Michel Bréal: Semantics (1900)

Bréal; from Wikimedia Commons.
Apparently, this book by Michel Bréal is considered by some to be a foundational document in semantics. However, it's not mentioned in Saeed's textbook, and I wouldn't have heard of it if it weren't for a footnote in a paper by Harald Weinrich — so think it's fair to say it's fallen pretty much into obscurity by now.

I looked at because I was interested in seeing what Bréal had to say about metaphor. It turns out that his observations are that the phenomenon is (1) widespread (2) mostly dead (3) often synaesthetic.

The Psychological Basis of Metaphor

As for the widespread nature of metaphor:
Our business is not to claim admiration for these images, which indeed have ceased to be images, but to show that language is full of them. (p. 123)
His take on the emergence of metaphors seem to be that they are invented for communitative purposes, not that that it reflects deep psychological structure. Most of his attention is devoted to the connection between cultural variables (e.g., Roman land ownership institutions) and the choice of metaphors.

However, he says that they demonstrate "the universal intelligence, which does not vary much from one nation to another" (p. 123). In his discussion of grammatical analogy, he also claims that opposites like night/day and dead/alive tend to take on similar forms, and that "Language here reveals to us a fact of psychology;" providing a hand-wavy sketch of the psychology of this phenomenon (p. 68).

The Death of a Metaphor

There is not doubt that Bréal thinks that metaphors wither and die over time:
But the metaphor remains such at its outset only; soon the mind becomes accustomed to the image; its very success causes it to pale; it fades into a representation of the idea scarcely more coloured than the proper word. (p. 122)
But for the child who learns to speak them the complication [of faded historical meanings] does not exist: the last meaning, the meaning farthest removed from it original, is often the first learnt. (p. 133)
More indirectly, this is also evidenced by his interest in the difficulty of etymological problems. He notes, for instance, that it is not immediately obvious which of the meanings of the Latin gemma are the older, "pearl" or "bud." In fact, Cicero seems to have gotten the historical order wrong (p. 125).

Synaesthetic Metaphors

Bréal also notes the importance of cross-sensory transfers of meaning:
A special kind of Metaphor, extremely frequent in all languages, comes from the communication between our organs of sense, which permit us to transport the sensations of sight into the domain of hearing, or the ideas of touch into the domain of taste. We speak of a "a warm reception," "a broad style," "a bitter reproach," "a black grief," with the certainty of being understood by everybody. … A deep sound, a high note were originally images. (pp. 129-30)
Again, however, he warns the reader not to pull etymologies out of a hat:
Sometimes it is difficult to tell exactly from what organ of the body these expressions came: for example, it was long considered doubtful whether the adjective clarus came from sigh or from hearing. Without the words acies, acus, acutus, acer, we should not know that acid (the French aigre) did not always belond to the sense of taste. (p. 130)
 So much for introspective psychology, then.

Saturday, April 13, 2013

Gibbs: Embodiment and Cognitive Science, contents (2005)

Unlike The Poetics of Mind (1995), Gibbs' new book not only discusses psycholinguistics, but also perception and other linguistic phenomena. However, chapters 4 and 6 still focus on cognitive metaphor theory as such, and they largely reiterate the claims he has made elsewhere.

Unfortunately, the new book, like the old one, still has a mostly flat structure, more in the style of a laundry list than a narrative. Since I find this a little difficult to find my way around in, I'll just quickly give a table of contents for the two chapters.

Chapter 4: Concepts

The contents of chapter 2 (pp. 79–122) are as follows:
  1. Untitled introduction (pp. 79–80)
  2. Traditional Views of Concepts (pp. 80–81)
  3. Problems with the Traditional View (pp. 81–86)
  4. Perceptual Symbols (pp. 86–90)
  5. Image Schemas and the Metaphorical Nature of Abstract Concepts (pp. 90–96)
  6. Thinking (pp. 96–99)
  7. Linguistic Action (pp. 99–104)
  8. Grammar and Spatial Concepts (pp. 104–107)
  9. Political Ideas (pp. 107–111)
  10. Mathematical Concepts (pp. 111–114)
  11. Questions about Image Schemas (pp. 114–115)
  12. Questions about Conceptual Metaphors (pp. 115–116)
  13. A New View of Embodied Metaphor (pp. 116–118)
  14. Is Cognitive Linguistic Evidence Relevant to the Study of Cognition? (pp. 118–121)
  15. Conclusion (pp. 121–122)
Sections 6 through 10 (pp. 96–114) contain various linguistic illustrations of the notion of an schema. The headings "Thinking" and "Linguistic Action" could thus also have been named "English words words for thought-related concepts" and "English words for speech-related concepts."

All three chapters are extremely speculative, and they rely almost solely on introspection and post-hoc rationalization of linguistic expressions.

Chapter 6: Language and Communication

Chapter 6 (pp. 158–207) contains the following subheadings:
  1. Untitled introduction (pp. 158–159)
  2. Time Course of Linguistic Communication (pp. 159–160)
  3. Language Change (pp. 160–161)
  4. Speech Perception (pp. 161–165)
  5. Gesture and Speech (pp. 165–170)
  6. Body Movement and Discourse (pp. 170–174)
  7. Word Meaning (pp. 174–180)
  8. Image Schemas and Utterance Interpretation (pp. 180–183)
  9. Embodied action in Metaphor Processing (pp. 183–184)
  10. Desire as Hunger: A Case Study in Embodied Metaphor (pp. 184–187)
  11. Understanding Time Expressions (pp. 187–190)
  12. Embodied Metaphors in American Sign Language (pp. 190–194)
  13. Neural Theory of Language (pp. 194–198)
  14. Embodied Construction Grammar (pp. 198–199)
  15. Embodied Text Understanding (pp. 199–205)
  16. A Case Study: Indexical Hypotheticals (pp. 205–207)
  17. Conclusion (p. 207)
Section 2 is a warning not to confuse diachronic and synchronic issues. Section 3 is a discussion of etymology with a reference to Eve Sweetser.

Section 10 is about the desire/hunger study that I have read, but been unable to obtain the data from. Section 13 is a discussion of Narayanan's seriously inadequate computation model of verb comprehension.

Monday, November 5, 2012

Augustine: De Dialectica

Around the year 387, Saint Augustine wrote this little text on logic, spanning only about 20 pages. According to his own account in Retractationes, the book was never finished, and he lost his only copy of the manuscript. However, the text we have genuinely seems to be written by him.

In spite of its opening statement, "Dialectic is the science of disputing well" (p. 5/82), De Dialectica does not contain much that we would now recognize as logic. It's a discussion of a number of topics related to language, most notably ambiguity and etymology.


Truth Values and Dispute

One notable feature of Augustine's discussion of 'dialectics' is that he seems to take dispute to be more fundamental than truth values. A meaningful statement has a truth value in virtue of being up for discussion – not the other way around.

In his words:
For either a statement is made in such a way that it is held to be subject to truth or falsity, such as 'every man is walking' or 'every man is not walking' and others of this kind. Or a statement is made in such a way that, although it fully expresses what one has in mind, it cannot be affirmed or denied, as when we command, wish, curse, or the like. For whoever says 'go into the house' or 'oh that he would go into the house' [utinam pergat ad villam] or 'may the gods destroy that man' cannot be thought to lie or to tell the truth, since he did not affirm or deny anything. Such statements do not, therefore, come into question so as to require anyone to dispute them. (p. 6/85)
He consequently adopts the term "statements that require disputation" as a name for what we would call truth-functional statements (p. 6/85).

Eloquence and Proloquence

He later introduces the distinction "expressing" / "asserting" (eloquendo / proloquendo) to indicate the difference between the statements that "require questioning and disputing" and those that do not (p. 7/87).

This leads him, in the Chapter XII on "the force of words," to make he following wonderful comment on the relation between logic and rhetoric:
For although disputation need not be inelegant [ineptam] and eloquence need not be deceptive [mendacem], still in the former the passion of learning often – indeed, nearly always – scorns the pleasures of hearing, while the in the latter the more ignorant multitude [imperitior multitudo] think that which is said elegant is said truly. Therefore, when it becomes apparent what is proper to each, it is clear that a disputer who has any concern to make his points appealing will sprinkle them with rhetorical color, and an orator who wishes to convince people of the truth will be strengthened by the sinews and bones, as it were, of dialectic, which are indispensable to the strength of the body but are not allowed to become visible to the eye. (p. 13–14/103)
So logic and rhetoric are inner and outer values – but logic is not inner as in the soul, but inner as in internal organs.

An Observation on Implication

Another interesting feature is that he takes implication to be inherently connected to argumentation:
Whoever says 'if he is walking, he is moving' wishes to prove something, so that when I concede that this combined statement is true he only needs to assert that he is walking and the conclusion that he is moving follows and cannot be denied, or he need only assert that he is not moving and the conclusion that he is not walking must be agreed to. (p. 6/85)
It seems fair to say that Augustine thus sees the meaning of the implication as  given by its use in argumentation.

Signification and Writing

In Chapter V, Augustine gives a definition of a sign followed by a slightly strange qualification:
A sign is something which is itself sensed and which indicates to the mind something beyond the sign itself. To speak is to give a sign by means of an articulate utterance. By an articulate utterance I mean one which can be expressed in letters. [Signum is quod et se ipsum sensui et praeter se aliquid animo ostendit. Loqui est articulata voce signum dare. Articulatum autem dico quae comprehendi litteris potest.] (p. 7/87)
The intuition behind this comment seems to be the following: If something is said clearly and intelligibly, it can be broken up into its component parts (letters, or phonemes). However, this does seem on he face of it to make verbal understanding dependent on literary understanding.

But maybe this is only because we read too much into the word "letter":
For we misuse the term 'letter' when we call what we see written down a letter, for it is completely silent and is no part of an utterance but appears as the sign of an articulate utterance. In the same way [we misuse the term 'word'] when we call what we see written down a word, for it appears as the sign of a word, that is, not as a word but as the sign of a significant utterance. Therefore, as I said above, every word is a sound [omne verbum sonat]. (p. 7/89)
The theory thus seems to be this: The written word or letter is a sign because it evokes the spoken word or letter to the mind; and the spoken word or letter is a sign because it evokes its referent.

Ambiguity and Obscurity

In Chapter VIII, Augustine introduces a distinction between ambiguity and obscurity. This is not terribly important, but I find his explanation so nice that I wanted to quote it:
When little appears, obscurity is similar to ambiguity, as when someone who is walking on a road comes upon a junction with two, three, or even more forks of the road, but can see none of them on account of the thickness of a fog. Thus he is kept from proceeding by obscurity. […] When the sky clears enough for good visibility, the direction of all the roads is apparent, but which is to be taken is still in doubt, not because of any obscurity but solely because of ambiguity. (p. 14/105)
He goes on to complicate this distinction by distinguishing further between obscurity based on inaccessibility to the mind and to the senses, as in not recognizing a picture of and apple either because one has never seen an apple before, or because it is too dark (p. 14/105).

Problems with Category Membership

In his discussion of ambiguity, Augustine distinguishes between the vagueness of a word like man and more straightforward cases of homonomy. He calls these two phenomena univocal and equivocal meaning, respectively.

This would not in itself be particularly interesting if he didn't get himself into problems by suggesting that a univocal concept is characterized by having "a single definition" (p. 16/111). This of course raises some problems once we start looking for such a definition:
When we speak of a man we speak equally of a boy and of a young man and of an old man, equally of a fool and of a wise man [and a number of further examples]. Among all those expressions there is not one which does not accept the name 'man' in such a way as to be included by the definition of man. For the definition of 'man' is 'a rational, mortal animal' [animal rationale mortale]. Can anyone say that only a youth is rational, mortal animal and not also a boy or an old man, or that only a wise man is and not only a fool? (p. 16–17/111)
So in order to save his definition, Augustine has to assert that a fool is rational, something he seems to sense the problem with:
One may wonder how a boy who is small and stupid [parvo aut stulto], or at least silly [fatuo], or a man who is sleeping or drunk or in a rage, can be rational animals. This can certainly be defended, but it would take too long to do this because we must hasten on to other subjects. (p. 17/111)
This is approximately the same rhetorical strategy he used when defining a sign back in Ch. V:
Whether all these things that have been defined have been correctly defined and whether the words used in definition so far will have to be followed by other definitions, will be shown in the passage in which the discipline of defining is discussed. [This part was never written.] For the present, pay strict attention to the material at hand. (p. 7/87)

Criticism of the Stoic Theory of Etymology

In addition to being an interesting text in its own right, Augustine's tiny book is also one of our prime sources for the Stoic theory of where meaning comes from.

The upshot of this theory is apparently the following: Every word has a meaning which derived metonymically from another word, and ultimately, these chains of metonymies all point back towards an original sound iconicity. Thus, Augustine reports that in order to avoid infinite regress,
… they assert that you must search until you arrive at some similarity of the sound of the word to the thing, as when we say the 'the clang of bronze' [aeris tinnitum], 'the whinnying of horses' [equorum hinnitum], 'the bleating of sheep' [ovium balatum], 'the blare of trumpets' [tubarum clangorem], 'the rattle of chains' [stridorum catenarum]. For you clearly see that these words sound like the things themselves which are signified by these words. But since there are things which do not make sounds, in these touch is the basis for similarity. If the things touch the sense smoothly or roughly, the smoothness or roughness of letters in like manner touches the hearing and thus has produced the names for them. For example, 'lene' [smoothly] itself has a smooth sound. Likewise, who does not by the name itself judge 'asperitas' [roughness] to be rough? It is gentle to the ears when we say 'voluptas' (pleasure); it is harsh when we say 'crux' (cross). This the words are perceived in the way the things themselves affect is. Just as honey itself affects the taste pleasantly, so its name, 'mel,' affects the hearing smoothly. 'Acre' (bitter) is harsh in both ways. Just as the words 'lana' (wool) and 'verpres' (brambles) are heard, so the things themselves are felt. The Stoics believed that these cases where the impression made one the senses by the sounds are, as it were, the cradle of words. From this point they believed that the license for naming had proceeded to the similarity of things themselves to each other. (p. 10/95)
Augustine's main beef with this theory seems that it is too speculative:
Even though it is is a great help to explicate the origin of a word, it is useless to start on a task whose prosecution could go on indefinitely. For who is able to discover why anything is called what it is called? (p. 9/93)
As an example, he gives a couple of hypotheses about the origin of the word verbum, asking "But what difference does this make to us?" (p. 9/93).

Varieties of Metonymic Shifts

The avenues by which words can jump from meaning to meaning are quite diverse. Twice in the text, Augustine gives a list of relationships that can warrant metonymic slides, once in chapter on "the origin of words" (Ch. VI) and once in the chapter on "equivocation" (Ch. X).

Here's the list from Chapter VI, page 11/97:
Proximity [vicinitas] is a broad notion which can be divided into many aspects:
  1. from influence, as in the present instance in which an alliance [foedus] is caused by the filthiness of the pig [foeditate porci];
  2. from effects, as puteus [a well] is named, it is believed, from its effect, potatio [drinking];
  3. from that which contains, as urbs [city] is named from the orbis [circle] which was by ancient custom plowed around the area […];
  4. from that which is contained as it is affirmed that by changing a letter horreum [granary] is named after hordeum [barley];
  5. or by transference [abusionem], as when we say horreum, and yet it is wheat that is preserved here;
  6. or the whole from the part, as when we call a sword by the name 'mucro' [point], which is the terminating part of the sword;
  7. or the part from the whole as when capillus [hair] is named from capitis pilus [hair of the head].
Here's the list from Chapter X, page 19/117–119:
I call it transference [translatione]
  1. when by similarity [similitudine] one name is used of many things, as both the man, renowned for his great eloquence, and his statue can be called 'Tillius.'
  2. Or when the part is named from the whole, as when his corpus can be said to be Tillius;
  3. or the whole from the part, as when we call whole houses 'tecta' [roofs].
  4. Or the species from the genus, for 'verba' is used chiefly of all the wors by which we speak, although the words which we decline by mood and tense are named 'verba' in a special sense.
  5. Or the genus from the species as 'scholastici' [scholars] were originally and properly those who were still in school, though now all who pursue a literary career [litteris vivunt] use this name.
  6. Or the effect from the cause, as 'Cicero' is a book of Cicero's.
  7. Or the cause from the effect, as something is a terror [terror] which causes terror.
  8. Or what is contained from the container, as those who are in a house are called a household.
  9. Or vice versa, as a tree is called a 'chestnut.'
  10. Or if any other manner is discovered in which something is named by a transfer, as it were, from the same source.
You see, I believe, what makes for ambiguity in a word.
The itemization is not in the original. It is interesting that many of these examples are slightly strange or would be analyzed differently (but equally speculatively) today; the relationship of a chestnut tree and a chestnut would, e.g., probably be seen as producer–product relation rather than container–contained.

Word, Thing, Concept, and Word-Thing

One last thing that I want to mention is the rather complicated four-part distinction that Augustine introduces in chapter VI between verbum, dicibile, dicto, and res.

The last tree can roughly be glossed as concept, word, and thing:
Now that which the mind not the ears perceives from the word and which is held within the mind itself is called a dicibile. When a word is spoken not for its own sake but for the sake of signifying something else, it is called a dictio. The thing itself which is neither a word nor the conception of a word in the mind [verbi in mente conceptio], whether or not it has a word by which it can be signified, is called nothing but a res in the proper sense of the name. (p. 8/89)
The verbum, however, is a word considered as a thing one can refer to:
Words are signs of things whenever they refer to them, even though those [words] by which we dispute about [things] are [signs] of words. […] When, therefore, a word is uttered for its own sake, that is, so that something is being asked or argued about the word itself, clearly it is the thing which is the subject of disputation and inquiry; but the thing in this case is called a verbum. (p. 8/89)
We thus have here a kind of use/mention distinction, although put in a slightly different vocabulary.

Monday, September 10, 2012

Hintikka: "Quantifiers in Natural Languages" (1977)

In this paper, Jaakko Hintikka yet again presents his "game-theoretical semantics" and its extension to games with imperfect information. However, he also proposes his "any-thesis" — a conjecture stating that any is grammatical in exactly the contexts in which it means something different than every.

The paper was originally published in the second-ever issue of Linguistics and Philosophy (1977), but was reprinted in the anthology Game-Theoretical Semantics (1979).

Ordering Principles

The most notable new idea in the paper is the set of ordering principles that Hintikka introduces in section 10. These are principles that govern whether, say, the modality player or the quantification player should move first when we encounter sentences like some people might not be nice. These principles can essentially be translated into rules about the relative scope of various operations.

The reason he introduces these principles is that he wants to account for the fact that any sometimes behaves like an existential quantifier rather than a universal:
  • I can do anything. (universal)
  • I can't do anything. (existential)
He explains this by introducing an ordering principle that requires any to "scope out" over a negation whenever there is one. Using this principle, "not any" will then be equivalent with "every not," which then again is equivalent to "not some" which we were looking for. The change of quantifier type is, in other words, achieved by swapping negation and quantification.

One possible problem with this approach is double negation. Hintikka doesn't explicitly discuss this, but somewhere in his system, he needs to bar the quantifier from scoping out over both negations in sentences like
  • It's not true that we haven't done anything about the crisis.
Otherwise this sentence would come out as equivalent to We have done everything about the crisis instead of We have done something about the crisis.

The Any-Thesis

So, Hintikka's self-titled any-thesis can be put as follows: the quantifier any is grammatical if and only if it appears under a negation, or under some other operation that it can scope out of with a resulting change of meaning. Beyond that, it is synonymous with every.

This explains distributions like the following:
  • *I know anything.
  • I don't know anything.
If we take If A, then B to be equivalent with Not A, or B, then it further explains the following pattern:
  • If I have any medical issues, the test comes out positive.
  • *If the test comes out positive, I have any medical issues.
In both cases, any can scope out over the negation and thus effectively change its meaning from every to some.

The Status of the Context

But then things get a little hairy. We can note that some tenses apparently interact with the universal quantifier in a meaning-changing way, while others don't:
  • *I have been anywhere.
  • ?*I am going anywhere.
  • ?*I went anywhere.
  • *I am anywhere.
  • ?I will go anywhere.
  • I would go anywhere.
The asterisks here are based on my estimates. I'm quite unsure what native speakers would think about them.

Hintikka has a conjecture about this (sec. 18). He thinks that when we're thinking about the future or about counterfactual scenarios, we're dealing with a special kind of modal logic in which the domain of quantification changes from world to world. We consequently get a logical difference between sentence pairs like these:
  • I every scenario, everybody wins.
  • Everybody wins in every scenario.
To see this, consider for instance a model in which some possible worlds contains one more loser than the actual world. In that case, the first sentence might be false, while the second true. (I am here assuming that entities have all properties in scenarios where they don't exist.)

So, since such pairs are no longer equivalent in such a grow/shrink logic, it makes a difference whether a universal quantification comes before or after a necessity modal. This thus introduces a difference in meaning and accounts for the (possible) grammaticality of I will steal anything.

An Alternative Approach

However, I would explain these facts in terms of how odd it is to use a free choice operation in a context that essentially excludes any real choice. This would also explain the context-sensitivity that there seems to be about acceptability of any.

As far as I can tell, at least, we are more inclined to accept present tense uses of any when the sentence can be interpreted as offering a real choice. Thus, according to my personal intuitions (and some googling), we have:
  • I buy anything if the price is right.
  • *I have any problems if the test is positive.
  • I switch off any device that consumes electricity.
  • *I experienced any emotion that is humanly possible.
This seems to support a free-choice reading of any over the scoping-out story.

Methodology: Some Quotes

In this paper as elsewhere, Hintikka is pretty dismissive of asking other people for their opinions about sample sentences. He thus brushes off "different speakers' more or less confused uneducated intuitions" (p. 91) as misrepresenting "what a truly competent speaker would do" (p. 90).

In footnote 13, he writes:
I have been amazed time and again by linguists who claim that they are dealing with competence and not performance and then go on to base their theories on people's uneducated and unanalysed reactions to complicated sentences. (p. 115)
It's difficult to see what the object of semantics is, then, if only the intuitions of trained logicians really count as data. With the right training, people can come to see whatever sentence meaning we want them to see.

Methodology: Examples

Just to illustrate the problem, let me briefly cite a couple of the sentences that Hintikka takes to be good, grammatical English sentences with definite meaning:
  • Every townsman admires a friend and every villager envies a cousin who have met each other. (p. 89)
  • Every actor of each theatre envies a film star, every review of each critic mentions a novelist, and every book by each chess writer describes a grand master, of whom the star admires the grand master and hates the novelist while the novelist looks down on the grand master. (p. 97)
  • Some product of some subdivision of every company of every conglomerate is advertised in some page of some number of every magazine of every newspaper chain. (p. 97)
  • Every girl has not been dated by John. (p. 101)
  • If Jane wins, anybody who has bet on her is happy. (p. 113)
How thin is the line between "complicated sentences" and word salad? Well, compare these "grammatical" sentences to the ones that Hintikka stars as ungrammatical:
  • If Jane has won any match, she has won any match. (p. 100)
  • John must pick any apple. (p. 101)
  • If everyone loses, anyone loses. (p. 110)
  • Mary hopes that Jane will win any match. (p. 112)
  • Mary believes that Jane will win any match. (p. 112)
According to Hintikka's methodology, if we ask an average English speaker about these sentences, we would get nothing but "confused uneducated intuitions." Instead, we should look for a "consistent, general set of rules of semantic interpretation" (p. 91) that can accommodate the entailments that we, we educated logicians, think the sentences ought to have.

That sounds like a recipe for injecting the theory into the data, even quite openly and deliberately. I find it difficult to see how any rational discussion could follow if we value our own speculative and introspective intuitions about foreign languages over the judgments of other people.

Wednesday, February 29, 2012

Gibbs: The Poetics of Mind, ch. 4 (1994)

Chapter 4 of Raymond Gibbs' book contains some very, very long discussions of the use of metaphor in various domains as well as some evidence.

The chapter is by far the longest in the book (one and a half time longer than chapter 5, the second longest) and makes up around 20% of the whole text.

However, only 6 out of a total of 87 pages in the chapter are used to present psychological evidence for his cognitive claims (pp. 161-67). Much of this evidence is the same as that which he presents in chapter 6.

In the last section before the conclusion of the chapter, Gibbs addresses the objections against cognitive metaphor theory that Naomi Quinn raised in 1991.

Structure of the chapter
Chapter 4 of Poetics of Mind has the following sections and subsections:
  1. Metaphor in language (pp. 122-145)
    1. The ubiquity of metaphor (pp. 122-124)
    2. The communicative functions of metaphor (pp. 124-134)
    3. Social functions of figurative language (pp. 134-140)
    4. Metaphor and politics (pp. 140-145)
  2. The Metaphorical structure of everyday thought (pp. 146-206)
    1. Systematicity of literal expressions (pp. 146-154)
    2. Novel extensions of conventional metaphor (pp. 154-157)
    3. Polysemy (pp. 157-161)
    4. Psychological evidence (pp. 161-167)
    5. An alternative to metaphor in thought and language (pp. 167-169)
    6. Metaphor in science (pp. 169-179)
    7. Metaphor in law (pp. 179-183)
    8. Metaphor in art (pp. 183-187)
    9. Metaphor and myth (pp. 187-192)
    10. Metaphor in culture (pp. 192-206)
  3. Conclusion (p. 207)
Below, I will summarize the contents of each of these sections. Following that, I will also zoom in on two particular subsections and comment on the arguments given in those.

Contents of the chapter
Here's a brief telegraphic summary of what each section contains:
  1. Unnamed introduction: People use metaphor a lot.
  2. Metaphor in language
    1. The ubiquity of metaphor: Some quantitative estimates of how many metaphors a person produces per minute of conversation -- a somewhat meaningless number from my perspective.
    2. The communicative functions of metaphor: People use metaphors in order to be more expressive, compact, and vivid. Further, "metaphors facilitate prose comprehension" (p. 131). They are also easier to remember (p. 132).
    3. Social functions of figurative language: Language signals group membership.
    4. Metaphor and politics: People talk about politics in terms of war, sport, etc.
  3. The Metaphorical structure of everyday thought: "The ubiquity of metaphor in everyday discourse is not due to sophisticated rhetorical abilities of ordinary speakers; rather, it is motivated by the [sic] persuasiveness of metaphor in everyday thought" (p. 146).
    1. Systematicity of literal expressions: Expressions form thematic clusters. Conceptual mappings can be ordered in a hierarchy of generality (p. 152).
    2. Novel extensions of conventional metaphor: Elaborations of metaphors in poetry count as "evidence for the metaphoric nature of everyday thought" (p. 154)
    3. Polysemy: Claudia Brugman and George Lakoff's analysis of over also counts as "evidence for the metaphorical nature of thought" (p. 157).
    4. Psychological evidence: See below.
    5. An alternative to metaphor in thought and language: Gibbs mentions Jackendoff's theory as an alternative to cognitive metaphor theory, but doesn't really discuss the difference in any depth.
    6. Metaphor in science: Some Kuhnian observations. Also, a reference to an interesting 1985 historical study that Dedre Gentner and Jonathan Grudin did of the change in metaphors in psychology.
    7. Metaphor in law: Essentially a long reference to Winter (1989).
    8. Metaphor in art: Film and painting use cognitive mappings, too (e.g., Magritte).
    9. Metaphor and myth: Myth use path metaphors etc.
    10. Metaphor in culture: References to Claudia Brugman's 1983 paper on Mixtec and Quinn's 1991 paper on marriage. See also below.
  4. Conclusion: "[M]etaphor is a fundamental mental capacity by which people understand themselves and the world through the conceptual mapping of knowledge from one domain onto another" (p. 207).
Psychological evidence
The subsection on psychological evidence (pp. 161-167) puts forward the following types of data:
  1. The classroom study by Dedre Gentner and Donald R. Gentner (1983) showed that whether students were taught about electricity in terms of water metaphors or crowd metaphors would affect their performance on subsequent tests (p. 162).
  2. People form mental images of idioms that are consistent with the words in the idiom; this allegedly contrasts with literal sentences, although no evidence is given for that claim (p. 163).
  3. Priming subjects with an instance of a conceptual mapping allowed for more rapid reading of another instance of the same metaphor in one of Gibb's studies (p. 163).
  4. When people are interviewed about the cause, volition, and manner of literal explosions, they make the same judgments as they do for metaphorical explosions (pp. 163-164).
  5. Gesture studies show, according to Gibbs, that metaphor precedes speech (pp. 164-167).
Some Comments on "Cognitive Topology"
The interview studies mentioned in point 4 are a strange and dubious thing to cite for a cognitive psychologist. In Gibbs' mind, these "reflected mappings of source to target domains that preserved the cognitive topology of the source domain" (p. 163).

The reason is that if you ask someone whether a bomb explodes out of its own accord, they say "no," and if you ask someone whether people explode with anger out of their own accord, they also say "no". Hence, metaphor preserves "cognitive topology," according to his logic.

Lucky that Gibbs didn't ask about the speed, consequences, or reach of explosions instead, one might add."When a person explodes with anger, does he push the air away from him in a sudden shockwave?" "When a person explodes with anger, do people risk shrapnel wounds?" His findings proves more about his methods than about cognition.

Some Comments on the Gesture Studies
The gesture data that Gibbs cites as evidence for his cognitive metaphor theory is really bizarre. Much of it is hardly interpretable as metaphorical, and when it is, it doesn't correlate with speech in any simple way.

Let's look at the examples he quotes from David McNeil (1992), as there are only a few. This will give a sense of how thin the evidence is. Here they are, with slight changes in typography:
  • It was a Sylvester and Tweety cartoon
    hands rising to offer an object (p. 165)
  • I want to ask you a question
    hand forms a cup (p. 165)
  • That book is packed with meaning
    one hand pushes against the palm of the other (p. 166)
  • I've got to tell you something.
    palm-up hand moves toward hearer (p. 166)
  • He's trying to masquerade
    both hands spread out and forward with a rotation (p. 167)
I can see that the example with packed with meaning might be taken as support for cognitive metaphor theory if the subject did indeed cram an imaginary object tightly into a container. But how on earth does Gibbs come to see the other cases as "evidence"?

Since when has cognitive metaphor theory related cups to questions? No one has reported that people use phrases like hand you a cup to mean "asking," not has anyone speculated that they might. It seems that these new gesture idioms can only be explained if we postulate a whole new set of mappings to deal with the new modality. That makes gesture data irrelevant as evidence for mappings underneath speech.

This point to the general problem that cognitive metaphor should first commit itself to a single model of what hangs together in the cognitive universe, and only then predict that this structure will be found in language, too. For instance, how are the concepts of speed, certainty, difficulty, hardness, and tallness related in cognition? After you've committed yourself to an answer to that question, cognitive metaphor theory will produce a prediction regarding speech.

Gibbs vs. Quinn
Naomi Quinn has objected to cognitive metaphor theory on the grounds that although people use a whole range of different incoherent metaphors to talk about marriage, they actually live in a pretty stable and coherent way. Often, they will even try out different verbal metaphors to find one that betters fits what they want to express. This constitutes evidence that culture precedes metaphor.

In the section headed "Metaphor in culture", Gibbs replies to this by saying that Quinn's analysis "confuses metaphor with idealized cognitive models" (p. 204). His idea of how an "Idealized Cognitive Model" can be both metaphorical and non-metaphorical at the same time is quite confusing, so I have to quote it at some length:
[...] there may possibly be one general cognitive or cultural model for marriage, just in the way Quinn suggests, that is motivated by a cluster of contiguous conceptual metaphors. The variety of expressions people use to speak of marriage reflect their different conceptual metaphors for different aspects of their experience of marriage. Yet the variety of expressions do not mean that there is not some sort of cultural model of marriage based on a complex configuration of different types of conceptual metaphors. [...] As is the case for anger, people use different metaphors, even within the same narrative, because each metaphor reflects a different aspect of their metaphorical understanding of some experience. One's cognitive model of marriage may consist of various metaphors that capture different aspects of our understanding of marriage, such as compatibility, mutual benefit, and lastingness. These metaphors may be contiguously linked, perhaps as a kind of radial structure, yet need not be internally consistent. For example, we may at times see marriage as being a container but at other times as being like a manufactured product. (pp. 204-205)
The best I can do in terms of interpretation is to say that Gibbs imagines that we have a chimera of metaphors in our head, so that marriage might have pigeon wings but a lion head. This doesn't explain how people can use two distinct metaphors for the same aspect (the head is both pigeon and lion?). It also doesn't explain how the conflicts between inconsistent metaphors are resolved.

Quinn's theory, on the other hand, is quite simple: People have a cultural model which is not a metaphor, and they then choose metaphors to express aspects of that model. It is revealing how this simple model contrasts with the "complex configuration" that Gibbs proposes.

    Wednesday, February 15, 2012

    Gibbs: The Poetics of Mind (1994)

    This is the book that everyone in cognitive metaphor theory refers to when they get nervous. Written by a psychologist and full of compact summaries of experimental evidence, it provides just the kind of authority that a linguist needs when people start asking skeptical questions.

    Some of the assertions about metaphor that have been claimed to have their empirical support in this book do indeed. Others do not. And in between, there are disputable points and conclusions that others have stretched beyond what they can carry.

    General Outlook and Ideas
    The book is pretty orthodox in its embrace of cognitive metaphor theory. Here are some illustrative quotes from the introduction, with parentheses added by me:
    • "Language (is not independent of the mind but) reflects our perceptual and conceptual understanding of experience." (p. 16)
    • "Figuration (is not merely a matter of language but) provides much of the foundation for thought, reason, and imagination." (p. 16)
    • "Metaphorical meaning is grounded in nonmetaphorical aspects of recurring bodily experiences or experiential gestalts." (p. 16)
    • "[...] metaphorical understanding is grounded in nonmetaphorical preconceptual structures that arise from everyday bodily experience." (p. 17)
    Just to add a few from later in the book:
    • "[...] it seems certain now that the study of clichéd idiomatic expressions can provide significant evidence on how people think metaphorically in everyday life." (p. 318)
    • "[…] the mind itself is primarily structured out of various tropes." (p. 434)
    • "Figuration (is not merely a matter of language but) provides much of the foundation for thought, reason, and imagination." (p. 435)
    • "Similar cognitive mechanisms drive our understanding of both literal and figurative speech." (p. 435)
    • "[…] we metaphorically conceptualize our experiences through very basic sensory experiences that are abstracted to form figurative thought." (p. 444)
    So, in summary, we still have the three-stage model of cognitive metaphor theory:

    ExperienceThoughtSpeech

    Mental Images as Empirical Evidence
    Gibbs enthusiastically embraces the use of introspective reports as a way of investigating psychological aspects of metaphor: "One way to uncover speakers’ tacit knowledge of the metaphorical basis for idioms is through a detailed examination of speakers’ mental images of idioms," he explains (p. 292).

    It turns out that the kind of support he has in mind concerns the coherence of imagery across subjects:
    If people’s tacit knowledge of idioms is not structured by different conceptual metaphors, there should be little consistency in participants’ responses to questions about the causes and consequences of actions in their mental images of idioms with similar nonliteral interpretations. (p. 293)
    That is, supposing that the coherence cannot be brought about be any other means than a conceptual metaphor. This heavy but implicit assumption is never questioned or examined and puts his whole edifice in danger of become a load of introspective nonsense.

    He does, of course, find that people are pretty consistent in the way they picture scenes like spilling the beans. From this he concludes that "the figurative meanings of idioms are motivated by various conceptual metaphors that exist independently as part of our conceptual system" (p. 295).

    However, he is understandably uncomfortable with the idea of the mental image being the meaning of an idiom. To avoid this natural next step, he is at pains not to have the mental image be a byproduct of the conceptual mapping, not the flesh and blood of it:
    The empirical evidence in support of this conclusion does not in any way suggest that people actually form mental images of idioms as a normal part of their online understanding of idioms. The data simply, and significantly, demonstrate how people’s common metaphorical knowledge provides part of the motivation for why idioms have the figurative meaning they do. Traditional theories of idiomaticity have no way of accounting for these imagery findings, because they assume that the meanings of idioms arise from metaphors that are now dead and no longer a prominent part of our everyday conceptual system. (p. 295)
     So oddly, he recognizes that the mental images that his subjects described may have been constructed on his cue -- but he insists that this drawing up of a picture from a sentence can only occur in a consist way if people already think in terms of conceptual mappings.

    From those premises, sure, this data proves the existence of cognitive mappings.

    Dead Metaphors and Shallow Processing
    On of the basic tenets of cognitive metaphor is that there are no dead metaphors. If cognitive metaphor theorists concedes that some metaphors were dead, it would undermine the "deep" analyses of all the others. If kick the bucket is dead, why should we believe that see the point isn't?

    It is therefore somewhat surprising that Gibbs does in fact allow for dead metaphors:
    [...] the dead-metaphor and conceptual views of idiomaticity should not be seen as competing theories. Many idiomatic phrases could very well be dead or have meanings that are arbitrarily determined by as matters of convention. (p. 308)
    Even more disturbingly, he states that people can in fact get by pretty well without conceptual mappings:
    […] listeners may not always instantiate specific conceptual metaphors that motivate an idiom’s meaning when understanding some phrase in conversation. Similarly, people may not always analyze the literal word meanings of idioms during comprehension. There will be occasions when people do tap into an idiom’s conceptual foundation. Readers may also process the individual word meanings when they attempt to comprehend certain kinds of idioms. But it is a mistake to assume that some types of analysis will occur each and every time someone encounters an idiomatic expression.
    So one may ask what exactly it is that conceptual mappings do if they aren't really central to understanding an idiom, but aren't images either?

    Both of these points certainly cast a somewhat troubling light the reference Lakoff and others make to Gibbs' book as if it supports the "aliveness" of any speculative story they might cook up.

    Analyzable and Unanalyzable Idioms
    Gibbs makes a distinction between idioms that are understood in a compositional fashion and idioms that aren't, and he states that "there is reasonable consistency in people’s intuitions of the analyzability of idioms" (p. 279).

    This claim is, again, based on introspective reports from his subjects. In a 1989 article he wrote with Nandini Nayak, a list of idioms are thus categorized according to a number of parameters, for instance the possibility of passivization (e.g., *the bucket was kicked by him).


    This gives them a list of "decomposable" idioms (including break the ice, let off steam, play with fire, and clear the air) and a list of "nondecomposable" ones (including kick the bucket, chew the fat, raise the roof, and play the field).

    Interestingly, they also feel the need for a third category for idioms that can be analyzed under certain assumptions about the metaphorical reference of the constituents. As the booklet given to the subjects explain,
    [...] there are idioms that are decomposable but whose individual words have a more metaphorical relation to their figurative meanings. Thus, the phrase spill the beans means something like ‘reveal a secret.’ Although there is a fairly close relationship between spill and ‘reveal’, the word beans refers to ‘secrets’ in a less direct, metaphorical way. Idioms such as spill the beans are called ‘abnormally decomposable.’ (p. 109)
    This category ends up catching a number of idioms including promise the moon, pass the buck, steal one's thunder, and bury the hatchet.

    Whatever we think of the psychological relevance and reality of this taxonomy of metaphors, it is certainly clear that Gibbs does not want all idioms to be on par.

    He must have an intuition that the empirical evidence can't hold up to Lakoff and Johnson's strong claims about the "aliveness" of idioms, and he thus tries to carve out a more reasonable position for himself by introducing a protective belt of terminology.